www射-国产免费一级-欧美福利-亚洲成人福利-成人一区在线观看-亚州成人

USEUROPEAFRICAASIA 中文雙語Fran?ais
Opinion
Home / Opinion / Op-Ed Contributors

US' withdrawal from TPP creates new challenges

By Amitendu Palit | China Daily | Updated: 2017-02-07 07:39

US' withdrawal from TPP creates new challenges

US President Donald Trump shows the Executive Order withdrawing the US from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) after signing it in the Oval Office of the White House in Washington, DC, USA, January 23, 2017. [Photo/IC]

The implications for China of US President Donald Trump's decision to withdraw the United States from the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement has drawn much attention, with many arguing it will enable China to play a bigger role in trade governance in the Asia-Pacific. While this might indeed be so, it also presents China with new challenges.

In his last few months as president, Barack Obama repeatedly emphasized the importance of the US ratifying the TPP in order to "contain" China. He and his administration argued that the failure to ratify the TPP would mean China, rather than the US, would write the trade rules for the Asia-Pacific. This narrative, supported by a large number of analysts and experts, strengthened the impression of the TPP being essentially an instrument for strengthening the US' strategic influence in the region: The TPP would have brought together regional allies of the US into a common trade framework led by the US. This surely would have been an uncomfortable proposition for China.

So the withdrawal of the US from the TPP, aborting the US' efforts to lead the regional order, has for the time being reduced China's apprehension of being strategically cornered by unfavorable trade agreements.

Yet while many seem to think China can now automatically assume leadership of the regional trade order, in reality much depends on how the rest of the region responds to that possibility. It is important to note that the rest of the TPP members might not be as comfortable with China's leadership of regional trade integration as they were with that of the US. Some TPP members such as Japan have difficult political relations with China, and are unlikely to accept China's leadership on Asia-Pacific trade. This is evident from Japan indicating that the TPP without the US is "meaningless". Indeed, these countries might explore the possibility of having bilateral trade deals with the US. That would give them the coveted access to the US market and at the same time assure them of security and strategic support from the US. Unless the rest of the TPP members remain committed to the TPP, it will die a natural death.

If the TPP gets going without the US, it might be able to bring in a new a modern system of trade governance in the Asia-Pacific, since without the US it would not be viewed as a US-led initiative for capturing strategic influence.

The new US administration is expected to play a less active role in the region. The Trump administration has backed out from the TPP and might also withdraw from the Obama administration's "pivot to Asia" strategy. But various statements by Trump and his team at different points in time have pointed to their hostile attitude towards China. Any effort on part of China to assume a leadership role in regional trade matters might provoke the Trump administration to retaliate. That would complicate the strategic dynamics in the Asia-Pacific.

While China doesn't face the threat of being strategically marginalized by the US-led TPP, it still faces a challenge in deciding its next steps. The Trump administration is very much in its early days. Over time, its China policy will become clearer. A prominently hostile US attitude towards China including tough actions on trade might lead to regional trade confrontation. Such a situation will mean other countries in the region will be forced to make a difficult choice between the US and China. While US allies like Australia and New Zealand might be willing to work with China on reviving the TPP and promoting the proposed Free Trade Area of the Asia-Pacific, other US allies in the region might not. So the US withdrawal from the TPP may have raised more questions for China than providing answers.

The author is senior research fellow and research lead (trade and economic policy) at the Institute of South Asian Studies, National University of Singapore.

Most Viewed in 24 Hours
Copyright 1995 - . All rights reserved. The content (including but not limited to text, photo, multimedia information, etc) published in this site belongs to China Daily Information Co (CDIC). Without written authorization from CDIC, such content shall not be republished or used in any form. Note: Browsers with 1024*768 or higher resolution are suggested for this site.
License for publishing multimedia online 0108263

Registration Number: 130349
FOLLOW US
主站蜘蛛池模板: 18性欧美69| 在线观看免费国产成人软件 | 亚洲另类视频在线观看 | 日本在线观看免费视频 | 欧美私人网站 | 亚洲美女免费视频 | 欧美一级毛片高清免费观看 | 久草在线观看首页 | 欧美精品一区二区三区四区 | 国产三级在线视频播放线 | 在线a人片免费观看国产 | 美女网站免费观看视频 | 九九成人| 中文国产成人精品久久久 | 成人精品在线观看 | 亚洲欧洲小视频 | 色屁屁一区二区三区视频国产 | 亚洲免费在线视频观看 | 被老外玩爽的中国美女视频 | 亚洲天堂视频在线观看 | 久久国产精品成人免费 | 国产在线精品一区二区不卡 | 欧美日韩日本国产 | 高清一级毛片免免费看 | 日韩精品一二三区 | aa级毛片毛片免费观看久 | japanese日本tube色系 | 国产九九在线观看播放 | 久久久久久免费观看 | 久久在线资源 | 精品400部自拍视频在线播放 | 怡红院成人网 | 普通话对白国产情侣自啪 | 深夜福利网站在线观看 | 18在线观看国内精品视频 | 久青草免费视频手机在线观看 | 在线免费观看精品 | 亚洲特黄视频 | 国产日韩一区二区三区在线观看 | 黄色在线视屏 | 成人毛片全部免费观看 |