www射-国产免费一级-欧美福利-亚洲成人福利-成人一区在线观看-亚州成人

Global EditionASIA 中文雙語Fran?ais
Opinion
Home / Opinion / Global Lens

Best deal with US tariff policy is no deal

By Lili Yan Ing | China Daily | Updated: 2025-06-05 06:29
Share
Share - WeChat
Li Min/China Daily

Given that global economic uncertainty loomed large over the just-concluded 46th ASEAN Summit, the most strategic response to US President Donald Trump's tariff-driven foreign policy is disengagement, not negotiation or appeasement. Ignoring Trump is not passivity; it is strategic defiance. By refusing to be drawn into asymmetrical negotiations, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations can better safeguard its interests and let the US economy foot the bill for the protectionism it has unleashed on the world.

Trump's accusation that China, Japan, the Republic of Korea, India and ASEAN member states are "job thieves" is a distortion of economic reality. From 2021 to 2024, US unemployment averaged just 3.8 percent — among the lowest in the developed world — exposing the falsehood that Asian economies are stealing US jobs. In fact, the US economy grew to a record $29.3 trillion last year, retaining its position as the world's largest economy.

Structurally, 81 percent of the US' GDP stems from services, a sector that employs 79 percent of the US workforce (91 percent if the self-employed are included). Manufacturing, though politically resonant, accounts for only a small percentage of the US workforce. By imposing tariffs, particularly on imports from Asian countries, under the guise of "saving jobs", Trump is distorting reality and harming the very global networks that power US economic growth.

For decades, ASEAN has contributed significantly to US prosperity. In goods, ASEAN's supply of semiconductors and machinery is critical to sustaining the US' manufacturing competitiveness, while ASEAN members' demand for US aircraft and defense equipment supports thousands of high-skilled jobs in the US. Also, ASEAN economies are a major destination of US service exports including finance, education and digital platforms, contributing significantly to the US' trade surplus. In 2024, the US had a $24.4 billion surplus against ASEAN in services.

Trump's punitive tariffs risk unraveling this mutually beneficial relationship. Punitive tariffs risk alienating a multi-billion-dollar trade partner, disrupting supply chains and weakening the US' economic prospects. For over five decades, ASEAN has been supplying essential intermediate goods, absorbing US service exports, and generating trillions of dollars in annual revenue for US companies operating throughout the region.

How, then, should ASEAN respond to Trump's destructive approach?

First, ASEAN should not reward Trump, by according the US preferential treatment, for exploiting the imbalance in goods trade to justify the tariffs. Disengagement from Trump's US would be a reaffirmation of ASEAN's core values: non-alignment, multilateralism and mutual respect.

By adhering to the WTO's principles of reciprocity and "most favored nation" treatment, ASEAN has rejected Trump's zero-sum, discriminatory trade practices, reaffirming the principles enumerated in the ASEAN Leaders' Statement of May 26-27. ASEAN must also partner with other regional blocs to uphold these rules. In an era of growing economic fragmentation, ASEAN has become one of the few remaining anchors of rules-based global trade.

Second, ASEAN should make efforts to mobilize the US business community, whose long-term interests lie in open, stable markets. US businesses have made huge profits from ASEAN's openness. It's time they defended the very conditions that made possible their success.

From Boeing to Apple, Microsoft, IBM and Intel; from Freeport, Exxon-Mobil and Chevron to platforms like Starlink; and from global consumer names like McDonald's, Coca-Cola and Nike to US banks like Citibank, and Visa and MasterCard; from insurers AIG and Chubb to law firms Skadden and Baker McKenzie and consultancies like McKinsey and BCG, they have all flourished due to China's open markets and regional cooperation.

Yet if influential corporations, such as Elon Musk's Tesla and Starlink or Meta, which owns Facebook and Instagram, align with Trump's nationalist agenda, ASEAN and other economies must take note. Those firms must use their influence in the US to counter economic nationalism. If they fail to speak up — or worse, remain complicit — ASEAN would be right to reconsider the privileged access they enjoy in its markets.

ASEAN should make clear to the US that market access is not a blank check, because a partnership of any kind must be reciprocal. If US firms benefit from ASEAN's openness but fail to defend the frameworks that enable their success, ASEAN has every right to reassess their privileged access.

And third, ASEAN should let the US deal with the consequences of its own policies. Trump has made clear — by imposing sweeping tariffs on imports from its trade partners and resorting to nationalist rhetoric — that he has little regard for ASEAN or the long-standing US allies such as the European Union, Canada, Japan and the ROK.

Trump responds neither to diplomacy nor to data, but only to two constituencies: his domestic political base and a narrow circle of business elites. So, if Trump slaps tariffs on goods from its trading partners, it will be US firms — those dependent on Southeast Asian supply chains — who will bear the consequences: higher costs, logistical delays and eroded competitiveness.

As trying to reason with Trump is a bad idea, ASEAN should invest in building economic resilience, deepen regional integration, diversify its trade partners, and expand its strategic partnerships. To move forward, the 46th ASEAN Summit in Kuala Lumpur offered a critical window to ASEAN to present a bold economic agenda. Hence, ASEAN should double down on intra-ASEAN trade, unleash the full potential of the ASEAN+1 Free Trade Agreements and the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, strengthen ASEAN+3 by helping deepen China-Japan-ROK cooperation, and strengthen strategic ties with partners across the EU, the Middle East, Eurasia, Latin America and Africa.

Diversifying not only trade and investment but also currency use and payment systems is essential to building a more autonomous and future-ready ASEAN.

As Trump turns inward, ASEAN must turn outward.

The author is the secretary general of the International Economic Association. The views expressed here are personal and don't necessarily reflect those of China Daily. 

If you have a specific expertise, or would like to share your thought about our stories, then send us your writings at opinion@chinadaily.com.cn, and comment@chinadaily.com.cn.

 

Most Viewed in 24 Hours
Top
BACK TO THE TOP
English
Copyright 1995 - . All rights reserved. The content (including but not limited to text, photo, multimedia information, etc) published in this site belongs to China Daily Information Co (CDIC). Without written authorization from CDIC, such content shall not be republished or used in any form. Note: Browsers with 1024*768 or higher resolution are suggested for this site.
License for publishing multimedia online 0108263

Registration Number: 130349
FOLLOW US
主站蜘蛛池模板: 亚洲欧美日韩国产精品一区 | 国产精品三级 | 亚洲国产精品不卡毛片a在线 | 在线亚洲欧美日韩 | 男人的天堂在线精品视频 | 亚洲成年人专区 | 国产孕妇做受视频在线观看 | 成人区精品一区二区毛片不卡 | 亚洲精品福利一区二区三区 | 日韩在线国产精品 | 亚洲免费观看视频 | 成 人免费视频l免费观看 | 日本a级毛片视频播放 | 亚洲久久久久久久 | 一级做a爱过程免费视频麻豆 | 精品久久久影院 | 欧美一区二区三区不卡免费观看 | 亚洲成a v人片在线看片 | 亚洲一区二区免费看 | 久久精品国产一区二区三区不卡 | 岬奈一区二区中文字幕 | 亚洲 欧美 都市 自拍 在线 | 国产永久在线视频 | 国产乱纶 | 在线视频99| 色综合美国色农夫网 | 97se亚洲综合在线 | 免费人成网站在线播放 | 日韩不卡毛片 | 欧美区一区二区三 | 性欧美视频a毛片在线播放 性欧美一级 | 亚洲伦理天堂 | 高清精品一区二区三区一区 | 国产黄网站 | 香港aa三级久久三级 | 亚洲精品手机在线观看 | 91久久精品一区二区 | 免费一级特黄特色黄大任片 | 亚洲视频中文字幕 | 亚洲国产精品免费在线观看 | 欧美另类自拍 |